zondag 14 juni 2015

civil law

The Church Fathers preserved the classical assumption that since the material wealth of humanity was more or less fixed, the gain of some could only come at a loss to others. 

The Scholastic theologians of the period developed a more nuanced and less hostile attitude toward trade, distinguished profits arising from sales or the employment of others from the stigmatized category of usury.

Civil law emphasized the protection of property and served as a reservoir of more favorable attitudes toward the accumulation of wealth.

Thomas Aquinas revived and expanded Aristotle's arguments in favor of the social utility of private property. Aristotle view man as an essentially political being who could achieve his fullest development only through participation in the community.

Civil jurisprudence stressed the rule of law and regarded the protection of property from arbitrary confiscation by government as a central freedom.

Hugo Grotius (The rights of war and peace, 1625) asserted that there are several Ways of Living, some better than others, and every one may choose what he pleases of all those Sorts.

Smiths method of investigating social life: It called for an identifying widely shared psychological propensities-such as the propensity to seek the attention and approval of others- and for attempting to explain the regularities of human action in terms of those propensities.

Jansenist Jean Donnat declared in 1689 that self-love was "the incomprehensible remedy" which God had created the preserve society despite man's fallen state.

"The fall of man not having freed him from his wants, and having on the contrary multiplied them, it has also augmented the necessity of labor and commerce, and of ties; for no man being sufficient of himself to procure the necessaries and conveniences of life, the diversity of wants engages men in an infinite number of ties, without which they could not life. This state of mankind induces those who are governed only by a principle of self-love, to subject themselves to labor, to commerce, and to ties which their wants render necessary.  We see, then, in self-love, that this principle of all the evils is, a cause from whence it derives an infinite number of good effects. And thus we may consider this venom of society as a remedy which God makes use of for supporting it, seeing that although it produces in those persons whom it animates only corrupted fruits yet it imparts all these advantages to society."

Jansenist Pierre Nicole:
"Although nothing is more opposed to charity which relates everything to God than self-love which resolves entirely around the self, yet there is nothing more similar to the effects of charity than those of self-love.  So closely does it follow the same paths that one could hardly do better in marking those to which charity should lead us, than to discover those actually taken by enlightened self-love. Only God's grace can bring ultimate salvation, but enlightened self-love can create this-worldly "human decency".


According to the civic tradition, the pursuit of wealth corrupted the virtuous citizen, who should sacrifice his private concerns for those of the commonwealth, defending it in war and seeking glory. According to the Christian tradition, the pursuit of wealth distracted people from the pursuit of salvation. Voltaire attempted to reverse the terms of the Christian and civic traditions by making poverty seem sordid. "Abundance is the mother of the arts." Material prosperity was the prerequisite for civilization would be repeated by virtually every proponent of economic growth".

AS: The wealth of a state consists in the cheapness of provision and all other necessaries and conveniences of life.

Scottish :
Society could not be and need not be governed by some shared faith or purpose which dictated the proper distribution of property. It should property and exchange, but it should not try to provide "distributive justice" by allocating possessions according to some universally shared criteria, since there are no such criteria. David Hume (Enquiry concerning the principles of morals, 1751): "We shall suppose, that a creature, possessed of reason, but unacquainted with human nature, deliberates with himself what rules of justice or property would best promote public interest, and establish peace and security among mankind: His most obvious thought would be, to assign the largest possessions to the most extensive virtue, and give every one the power of doing good, proportioned to his inclination. In a perfect theocracy, where a being, infinitely intelligent, governs by particular volitions, this rule would certainly have place, and might serve to the wisest purposes: But were mankind to execute such a law; so great is the uncertainty of merit, both from its natural obscurity, and from the self-conceit of each individual, that no determinate rule of conduct would ever result from it; and the total dissolution of society must be the immediate consequence. Fanatics may suppose, that dominion is founded on grace, and that saints alone inherit the earth; but the civil magistrate very justly puts these sublime theorists on the same footing with common robbers, and teaches them by the severest discipline, that a rule, which, in speculation, may seem the most advantageous to society, may yet be found, in practice, totally pernicious and destructive."



voka..
AS: "Whenever the legislator attempts to regulate the differences between masters and their workmen, its counsellors are always the masters." "But in the mercantile system, the interest of consumer is almost constantly sacrificed to that of the producer; and it seems to consider production, and not consumption, as the ultimate end and object of all industry and commerce".

The merchants and manufacturers had the greatest success in persuading legislators that their particular interests were identical to the general interest. 


 Smith valued the market most because it promoted the development of cooperative modes of behavior and because it made men more self-controlled and more likely to subordinate their asocial passions to the needs of others."

Beneficence which prompts us to promote the happiness of others, is a superior virtue. Precisely for that reason, we cannot depend upon it or expect it of most men. We should applaud it when it occurs, but we should not use force to punish those who do not act as beneficently as we would wish. Justice is the sense of fairness which forbids us from injuring others for our own advantage.


Although commercial society provides for the "inferior prudence" required for the pursuit of self-interest, it also demands that at least some its members acquire that "superior prudence".

Smith wanted statesmen guided by ideals but he warned of the dangers of trying to implement those policy ideals all at once. To do so would commit the error the "man of system" who is "often so enamoured with the supposed beauty of his own ideal plan of government, that he cannot suffer the smallest deviation from any part of it".

".. but like Solon, when he cannot establish the best system of laws, he will endeavour to establish the best that people can bear."

Max Weber: "Unbridled avarice is not in the least the equivalent of capitalism, still less of its spirit. Capitalism may actually amount to the restraint, or at least the rational tempering, of this irrational impulse."


vrijdag 24 april 2015

spindoctoring

De perceptie van de realiteit is gemakkelijker te manipuleren dan de realiteit

Het is een ijzeren wet dat zwakke leiders dan kiezen voor het eerste

zondag 29 maart 2015

Justitieplan 2008

Minister van Justitie Jo Vandeurzen (CD&V), doorgaans geen roeper, heeft de rechters, magistraten, advocaten en alle andere gerechtsspecialisten op een plechtigheid in Hasselt toch eens goed ingepeperd dat het vijf na twaalf is voor de Belgische justitie. Als de heren en dames van de magistratuur nog vragen zouden hebben waarom het gerecht in België niet meer meekan, dan heeft de minister daar zo zijn analyse van. Vandeurzen, unplugged. 
 
'De achterstand is grotendeels het gevolg van gebrekkige werkprocessen en weinig coördinatie tussen de te verwerken werkvolumes en de
beschikbare middelen. Achter de naakte cijfers schuilt het gemis aan modern personeelsbeleid.'
'De waarheid is dat de centrale administratie er niet in slaagt penale boetes en gerechtskosten in te vorderen. Meer dan de helft van de niet spontaan betaalde boetes wordt niet meer ingevorderd. De uitvoering van de straft volgt de veroordeling niet consequent en niet snel genoeg op. De strafuitvoering is bijgevolg niet geloofwaardig.'
'Onderzoeken tonen aan dat een slankere overheid de economie ten goede komt. Volgens berekeningen zou ons overheidsapparaat gemiddeld tot 4 procent van het bruto binnenlands product te groot zijn. Bovenop is er een gebrek aan effectiviteit en doeltreffendheid.'
'De mythe une bonne justice n'a pas de prix is niet vol te houden. Justitie is eraan gehouden op een verantwoorde manier met de beschikbare middelen om te gaan. Haar producten en diensten moeten aan kwaliteitseisen voldoen. De mondige burger wil kwaliteit voor zijn belastinggeld.'
'Uit een analyse van de doorstroming van dossiers in de strafrechtelijke keten blijkt dat in België zowat drie procent van de door de politie geverbaliseerde feiten uiteindelijk zijn weg vindt tot de rechtbank en aanleiding geeft tot een veroordeling. Nederland haalt 45%. De vergelijking met Nederland roept vragen op. Is ons Openbaar Ministerie voldoende bezig met waar het echt mee bezig moet zijn?'
'In Nederland heeft men resoluut gekozen alle straffen, ook de kleine straffen, effectief uit te voeren. Bijgevolg is de gevangeniscapaciteit in 10 jaar verviervoudigd.'
'Ook wat betreft het aantal magistraten en het gerechtspersoneel zit België in de top vijf van Europa, verschillende landen doen het met veel minder.'
'De achterstand wordt niet gemonitord. In België bestaan onaanvaardbare wachttijden als gevolg van de gerechtelijke achterstand. De burger heeft geen aanspreekpunt om hierover zijn verhaal te doen.'
'De voorbeelden illustreren een voor de hand liggende conclusie: er is geen enkele reden waarom de Belgische justitie niet -zoals in het buitenland- efficiënter kan georganiseerd worden. Met een betere inzet van beschikbare middelen, die per definitie beperkt zijn. Onze gerechtelijke structuren zijn nog grotendeels gebaseerd op datgene wat in de steigers werd gezet in de negentiende eeuw.'
'Ik heb eens op televisie moeten antwoorden op de vraag waarom er in het gerechtsgebouw in Brugge geen wc-papier meer beschikbaar was. Ik zou het daar echt graag bij houden.'
'De problemen zijn in belangrijke mate terug te voeren op de overbevolking in de gevangenissen, waardoor gestraften hun straf niet onmiddellijk krijgen. We stellen vast dat voor een aantal mensen geen uitvoering meer volgt.'
'Zoals dat helaas vaak gebeurt, moet er eerst een drama zijn dat de publieke opinie beroert, voor de politiek over de nodige autoriteit beschikt om alle
weerstanden te overwinnen die zo'n hervorming in de weg staan. De laatste keer dat de politiek er zijn tanden in heeft gezet was na de affaire-Dutroux. En justitie is wat dat betreft een taaie organisatie. Want het is natuurlijk al te simpel om een aantal dure consultants los te laten op de organisatie en dan een aantal wetten in elkaar te steken. Zo werkt dat niet.'
'Als het vertrouwen van de burger in justitie de jongste tijd geschokt is, heeft dat veel te maken met de strafuitvoering. De mensen zien dat jonge criminelen worden opgepakt en meteen weer worden vrijgelaten. Ze vernemen dat er wachtlijsten zijn voor het elektronische toezicht en dat er in de tussentijd tijdens de strafonderbreking geen straf is. Dat wekt ergernis op. Mensen ervaren dit als een vorm van straffeloosheid, als een falen van Justitie.'
Lees de volledige speech van minister Jo Vandeurzen op www.nieuwsblad.be/vandeurzen
gfr ■

maandag 23 maart 2015

woensdag 17 december 2014

Colbert en Mazarin over de overheidsschuld

Au sommet de son pouvoir mais à la fin de sa vie, le cardinal Mazarin achève l'éducation du jeune roi Louis XIV, sous le regard de la reine-mère Anne d'Autriche et d'un Colbert qui attend son heure. Tous ces personnages, leurs calculs et leurs rivalités ne sont pas sans rappeler les jeux du pouvoir et ces liens étroits entre affaires publiques et vie privée dont nous sommes témoins aujourd'hui sur la scène politique. Tant il est vrai que les régimes changent mais que les motivations des hommes restent les mêmes...et dans la lumière de l'actualité avec ce passage entre Colbert et Mazarin sur la dette publique 
 
 
Colbert : Pour trouver de l'argent, il arrive un moment où tripoter ne suffit plus. J'aimerais que Monsieur le surintendant m'explique comment on s'y prend pour dépenser encore quand on est déjà endetté jusqu'au cou…
Mazarin : Quand on est un simple mortel, bien sûr, et qu'on est couvert de dettes, on va en prison. Mais l'Etat… L'Etat, lui, c'est différent. On ne peut pas jeter l'Etat en prison. Alors, il continue, il creuse la dette ! Tous les Etats font ça.
Colbert : Ah oui ? Vous croyez ? Cependant, il nous faut de l'argent. Et comment en trouver quand on a déjà créé tous les impôts imaginables ?
Mazarin : On en crée d'autres.
Colbert : Nous ne pouvons pas taxer les pauvres plus qu'ils ne le sont déjà.
Mazarin : Oui, c'est impossible.
Colbert : Alors, les riches ?
Mazarin : Les riches non plus. Ils ne dépenseraient plus. Un riche qui dépense fait vivre des cen­taines de pauvres.
Colbert : Alors, comment fait-on ?
Mazarin : Colbert, tu raisonnes comme un fromage ! Il y a quantité de gens qui sont entre les deux, ni pauvres ni riches… Des Français qui travaillent, rêvant d'être riches et redoutant d'être pauvres ! C'est ceux-là que nous allons taxer, encore plus, toujours plus ! Ceux-là ! Plus tu leur prends, plus ils travaillent pour compenser… C'est un réservoir inépuisable. »
 
 Source
 
Poue en savoir plus sur Antoine Rault, l'auteur du " Diable rouge " : http://www.lefigaro.fr/theatre/2009/04/28/03003-20090428ARTFIG00362-antoine-rault-de-la-politique-a-la-scene-.php

zaterdag 6 december 2014

Adam Smith over het fenomeen van de adoratie van de machtigen en wat we vandaag "celebrities" noemen:

"The rich man glories in his riches, because he feels that they naturally draw upon him the attention of the world, and that mankind are disposed to go along with him in all those agreeable emotions with which the advantages of his situation so readily inspire him. At the thought of this, his heart seems to swell and dilate itself within him, and he is fonder of his wealth, upon this account, than for all the other advantages it procures him." When we consider the condition of the great, in those delusive colours in which the imagination is apt to paint it, it seems to be almost the abstract idea of a perfect and happy state. It is the very state which, in all our waking dreams and idle reveries, we had sketched out to ourselves as the final object of all our desires. We feel, therefore, a peculiar sympathy with the satisfaction of these who are in it. We favour all their inclinations, and forward all their wishes. What pity, we think, that any thing should spoil and corrupt so agreeable a situation! We could even wish them immortal; and it seems hard to us, that death should at last put an end of such perfect enjoyment. It is cruel, we think, in nature, to compel them from their exalted stations, to that humble, but hospitable home, which she has provided for all her children. Great King, live for ever! is the compliment, which, after the manner of eastern adulation, we should readily make them, if experience did not teach us its absurdity. Every calamity that befals them, every injury that is done them, excites in the breast of the spectator ten times more compassion and resentment than he would have felt, had the same hings happened to other men. It is the misfortunes of Kings only which afford the proper subjects for tragedy. They resemble, in this respect, the misfortunes of lovers. Those two situations are the chief which interest us upon the theatre; because, in spite of all that reason and experience can tell us to the contrary, the prejudices of the imagination attach to these two states a happiness superior to any other. To disturb, or to put an end to such perfect enjoyment, seems to be the most atrocious of all injuries. All the innocent blood that was shed in the civil wars, provoked less indignation than the death of Charles I. A stranger to human nature, who saw the indifference of men about the misery of their inferiors, and the regret and indignation which they feel for the misfortunes and sufferings of those above them, would be apt to imagine, that pain must be more agonizing, and the convulsions of death more terrible to persons of high rank, than to those of meaner stations. Upon this disposition of mankind, to go along with all the passions of the rich and the powerful, is founded the distinction of ranks, and the order of society. Our obsequiousness to our superiors more frequently arises from our admiration for the advantages of their situation, than from any private expectations of benefits from their good-will. Their benefits can extend but to a few; but their fortunes interest almost every body. We are eager to assist them in compleating a system of happiness that approaches so near to perfection; and we desire to serve them for their own sake, without any other recompence but the vanity or the honour of obliging them. Neither is our deference to their inclinations founded chiefly, or altogether, upon a regard to the utility of such submission, and to the order of society, which is best supported by it. Even when the order of society seems to require that we should oppose them, we can hardly bring ourselves to do it. That kings are the servants of the people, to be obeyed, resisted, deposed, or punished, as the public conveniency may require, is the doctrine of reason and philosophy; but it is not the doctrine of nature.

vrijdag 10 oktober 2014